It is not without reason that associational life is un derstood to be in the realm of civility. We may start to define and redefine civil society with little consensus given its ambiguity, but suffice to say that a whole range of associational life sandwiched between market and state is conveniently for analytical and all practical purposes referred to as civil society aka non-state, aka NGO. The article seeks to deliberate on the question "are civil societies in Manipur genuinely civil?" and making a case for the "perverse manifestation" of local Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), thereby questioning civil society as it exists. Let's set off with a hypothetical verdict that in multi ethnic Manipur, each ethnic community has started viewing the other as its enemy. In such a volatile situation, associations formed purely on ethnic lines are wont to generate parochial ethnic exigencies. Now remember that the idea of civil society was born in an attempt to democratise society from overbearing leviathan (state) and the unseen hand of mercantilism (market). Ethnic based civil organisations in such a scenario have tended to overlook the very basis of its survival democracy.
Civil Society or Ethnic Society?
Even an offhand survey reveals a hard-to-miss point that the protest and allegation against Chakpikarong
SDO is shrouded in perplexing impression. An honest observer finds it difficult to overlook the fact that the
protesting organisations are from the same community Naga, save for the Chiefsí Association, which, given the other two aides, is highly probable only Nagas. Despite the fact that the protestors accused the victim of being "communal", they themselves are found trapped in their own design. It is worth asking as to why no other communities rallied behind the protestors if Mr. Infimate is guilty as charged. Making the story all the more murkier is the fact that no organisation has come forward to refute and rubbish the charges against Mr. Infimate and exonerate him of all allegations. Is he truly guilty? As it stands now, the victim is weight down by a powerful axis of students', women's and chiefs' associations from a single community. "Civil society as the good society' may have us fool ourselves that the "whole" is always right. In a homogeneous society or multi-cultural society (Canada for instance) where associations are formed essentially on a voluntary basis, such a view may be congealed without contradiction. But in societies such as ours, anyone would be hard pressed to answer honestly if his ethnic affiliation limits his voluntary participation. Itís a tricky world out here! In much the same way one is born Christian or Hindu by virtue of being born into that religious family (some exceptions are accounted for), our ethnic communities ascribe our participation and the lack thereof.
In a heterogeneous society like Manipur, the fate of a child is sealed from the moment he is conceived. What about the French, Germans, Greeks, English et al? Well, they don't have to prove their nationalities simply because it does not arise: one nation, one country, one language. They have battled days of city-state and empire to reach conditions favourable for the installation of nation-state. If there be no "Other", the need to assert identity simply does not occur. In all plural societies, conflict and contestation have become a thumb rule to engage with the "other". It is here that the need to explore civil society based on Kantian mean sends equation becomes imperative. Accordingly, people ought to treat others as an end in themselves rather than using them as means to their selfish end. It is a form of social contract where its members surrender some of its freedom for the benefit of the whole. Faith in others and oneself is implicit in it. Until such time as suspicion and distrust remain the foundation of social contract within and without communities, no civility in civil society can be imagined. The point is that if there was no ethnic communal angle to the Infimate case, it would have escaped critical inquest from discerning consumer of the news. And it should be stressed that there are reasonable basis to the cynicism if otherwise proved convincingly. One would also assume that the victim is being made scapegoat and baited in order that the dominant writ prevails.
The protestors' scheming or activism (whichever applies), have a larger political and social ramification particularly in the light of civil society discourse. There are institutional foundations entrenched under the
Constitution in the form of rights and duties. We cannot only be asking for our rights and be indifferent to
the obligation expected of us. Michael Edwards' resounding take on ëinnovations in associational life that
encourage citizen action to operate in service to the good society, rather than as a substitute for politics,' is reassuring. The best move to a dignified struggle will be to take recourse to RTI and wrapping up in a court house. That would certainly pre-empt bureaucratic manipulations and enforce institutional deterrence. There should be a limit to what a group or individual, however intent on goodwill, can do. A certain MLA barging into Electricity Office in a fit of rage and thrashing an employee for turning down the former's request is hardly a way of pulling up an errant employee.
It is a welcome step from the Naga protestors if they seek to deal with an honest and squeaky clean officer,
but they will have to do more than merely convince us by answering if rest of the public officers are anointed saints. Anybody in Manipur will bet his life on the rampant dishonesty of Stateís employees. Even if otherwise, and Mr. Infimate be guilty, I hope the zeal of the Organisations to expose corrupt bureaucrats be relayed until "honesty becomes the best policy". And if this be an undemocratic exercise to feed jingoism and nepotism, it will cost us much more than we will have lost.
"Perverse Manifestation" of Civil Society
Manipur in recent years have exhibited some troubling occurrences which is both good and bad. I for one would want to mull over before I pass my final verdict. These are but a reflection of an idle mind. A high schooler Panthoiren in his letter to TSE invoked his reservation to rampant public indulgence in uncivil retribution to wrongdoers. A motley crowd of mostly womenfolk have become publicly active in decreeing their own brand of punishment. A closer and incisive observation reveals a rot in the structure and function of the State and a concurrent bemusement in associational life.
There are reasons to believe that the new brands of brutal "retributive justice" that are handed out by our mothers are reflection of state relinquishing its duties to effectively police society. It is only fair on the part of the mothers to take matters in their own hands if criminal elements are mushrooming unabated. But then again, as Panthoiren poignantly puts it, "hate crime, not criminals". We humbly plead to the "angels of retribution", to spare the families of criminals when they attempt to purge society from crime and criminals. This is simply a case of over-stepping ones authority which is unwarranted. Criminal justice system with courts and police forces are drawing their pays heavily from tax payers, let's make sure our money has been spent effectively.
Again, the rate at which civil society organisations are being formed and floated to occupy the spaces left inanimate and lifeless by the government is telling. The proliferation of crime and CSOs are inversely proportionate to the governmentís inability to engage its citizens meaningfully. While the presence and vibrancy of civil society in co-terminus with an effective state is desirable, a nit-picking civil society within a weak state will be menacing. A weak state cannot support a strong civil society, rudderless as they are in the absence of a robust state. While on the other hand, a strong and affirmative state gives meaningful direction even to a fledgling civil society. It would sometimes appear that the new civil awakening that the public sphere has come to represent in Manipur is simply misleading. True to Hegalís conceptualisation, civil society in Manipur is ëone in which a plethora of interests competed with one another, generally without consideration of the common good'. However, a pluralist wisdom would suggest that rather than training our guns at each other, we had better gang up against the state and demand accountability and development. Putting aside our differences for a while, let's go basic and demand roti, kapda aur makaan all over again. We have only Electricity Department to see to realise how incompetent and inefficient government's service delivery is. Nowhere have any public been subjected by any government to such a lethargic and pathetic electricity supply. We feel cheated! The state being the crest of moral abstraction, it is only fair that wisdom and guidance come from it.
The Dubious State of "State"
If we are to gauge the extent of job creation in the market and the people getting ready to claim it, it is found wanting by a million notch. The duty of the government is not simply to administer over them, or to formulate high flying yet hollow policy decisions. The ground reality should speak for itself. If we are to take a survey on the "happiness quotient" of the peoples in Manipur, we will without doubt fail miserably at that. The worth of life in this tiny State is marked by "ex-gratia". The security of life and property is as vulnerable as a damsel in distress.
"Tribal" and minority rights are flouted with condescending ease. Politician from minority communities have lost touch with the people they ostensibly represent. They sell themselves away at such crucial times when the fate of the people they represent becomes decisive. For instance, no statement was forthcoming from hill politicians to assuage the alarmed public when general brouhaha was raised on ADC elections (never mind the election is now touted as a huge success). More recently, over the issue of "overlapping census" in Hill Districts, they went into quick hibernation. What a pity! So much for the faith in our leaders!
We as a collectivity have come to such a pass that our morality has been debased to putrefied obsession. Corruption involving lakhs of crores of Rupees have created a new breed of individuals hung on vanity and false sanity. We are bashful in flaunting our newfound riches derived from greased hands. Corruption has gone systemic, sparing no one in the hierarchy. From peon to the ministers, the cuts are progressively meatier. Jobs and postings are decided by how deep one can dig into his pocket. The result is that we have corrupt personnel manning all the posts thereby furthering a never ending vicious circle of dishonesty and cheating. Mr. CM, if your deputies and higher echelon of bureaucrats are misusing their positions, the blame lies heavy on you. Un-performing and under-performing officials need be penalise, and performing ones rewarded. The state is the ultimate arbiter of morality and you are the CEO. If Mr. CM shies away from performing his duty, another "angels of retribution" will be born in the morrow to relieve him of his bounded duties.
In the meanwhile, Votaries of ëstateí, be mindful of what has become of your theoretical credentials before the state is being rolled back to give way for an alternative. Let's continue to pin our hope on Hegalian evolution culminating in ëstateí being the highest form of ethical idealism.
